APC’s Atiku conundrum, by Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE
As the countdown to the 2027 general elections gathers pace, Nigeria’s political landscape is witnessing a frantic realignment. Alliances are being forged, strategies recalibrated, and narratives aggressively shaped.
Against this backdrop, it is hardly surprising that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) appears increasingly unsettled. The emergence of a credible and united opposition coalition has clearly disrupted the status quo and forced the party into an unusually early defensive posture.
Initially, every conceivable effort was deployed to frustrate the formation of this coalition. There were attempts to sow distrust, efforts aimed at weakening resolve, and loud predictions of inevitable collapse. When these efforts failed and the coalition held firm, particularly with the movement of political heavyweights such as the Waziri of Adamawa, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and other key figures toward the African Democratic Congress (ADC)—a new tactic emerged: sustained vilification.
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The talking points quickly became familiar—that Atiku is “too old,” that he should step aside for a Southern candidate in the name of zoning. More recently, the rhetoric has escalated further, with suggestions that the Waziri of Adamawa should jettison his ambition altogether in the so-called “national interest.” What proponents of this argument conveniently ignore is that zoning is not enshrined in Nigeria’s Constitution.
At this point, one must pause and ask fundamental questions. How can those who constantly proclaim their commitment to democracy turn around and seek to intimidate a citizen out of exercising his democratic right to contest? How does this align with the principles of freedom of choice and fair competition? This, of course, is not logic; it is an admission of fear.
Nigeria’s political history offers useful context. Age has never been a disqualifying factor where competence, experience, and national reach were evident. Chief Obafemi Awolowo remained politically active well into his later years. Nelson Mandela became South Africa’s president at 75. In the United States, Joe Biden assumed office at 78. Across democracies worldwide, leadership has repeatedly been shown to rest not on age alone, but on vision, capacity, and public confidence.
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Similarly, zoning—while a useful informal mechanism for managing diversity—was never designed as a legal instrument for excluding qualified aspirants. It is meant to promote inclusion, not to be weaponised as a veto. Even within the APC itself, zoning has often been applied selectively, adjusted when convenient, and ignored when expedient. To suddenly elevate it as an absolute moral standard only when it affects a particular individual merely exposes the political calculation behind the argument.
What is really at play here is not principle, but fear: fear of a competitive field, fear of a seasoned contender, and fear of an opposition that is finally learning the value of unity.
In any genuine democratic setting, the process is straightforward. Anyone who joins a political platform—be it the ADC or any other coalition partner—has the right to seek nomination. Primaries exist precisely for this purpose: to allow party members to decide who carries their banner. Leadership emerges through votes, not through pre-emptive exclusion, moral blackmail, or external pressure.
We saw this dynamic clearly in 2015, when an opposition coalition overcame internal differences, rallied behind a single candidate, and unseated an incumbent government. That victory was not achieved by gatekeeping aspirants; it was achieved by allowing competition, respecting outcomes, and closing ranks afterward. The lesson remains relevant today.
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The strength of the opposition lies in its commitment to internal democratic processes, not in responding to the whims of the ruling party. Whoever emerges from the primaries—whether Atiku Abubakar or any other aspirant—must be supported by the entire coalition. Individual structures must collapse into a single united front capable of offering Nigerians credible alternatives on security, the economy, education, and governance.
The opposition must therefore resist the temptation to internalise APC propaganda. It must not allow external actors to dictate how its internal democratic processes should be run or who should be presented to the electorate. That path only leads to fragmentation and weakness.
If the APC is confident in its record over the past few years, it should welcome a contest of ideas and performance against whoever the opposition fields—young or old, North or South. Democracy thrives on open competition, not manufactured consensus.
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Ultimately, the “Atiku conundrum” exists only for those who fear the verdict of the people.
By Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE.
Email: bgabdullahi@gmail.com
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