The Abba revolt, by Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE
The resignation of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) on January 23, 2026, does not come as a surprise to many, considering the underground maneuvers and the deliberate efforts by the ruling party to secure absolute control ahead of the 2027 election. Having found Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso a “hard nut to crack,” the powers that be shifted their focus. This singular act is catastrophic; it represents a seismic shift in Kano’s political landscape.
While the announcement startled some observers, the signs had been visible for some time. The emergence of the slogan “Abba Tsaya Da Kafar Ka” (Abba, Stand on Your Own Feet) was an early signal that battle lines were being drawn. It was only a matter of time before the bubble burst. Indeed, it appears the process was only temporarily halted previously when advisers judged the timing to be inopportune.
What we are witnessing today goes beyond the surface; it is a carefully choreographed move to capture Kano by any means necessary. The dramatis personae are well known to one another and are, in many cases, long-standing political adversaries. How these contradictions will be managed remains to be seen. As Kano’s political structure begins to migrate, only the naïve would assume that those following the governor do so out of pure conviction, or that they will remain loyal when the chips are down. Equally, it is unclear how the new entrants will navigate their relationships with those they find already established on the ground.
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The development is particularly striking because Abba Yusuf’s relationship with the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement transcends a standard political alliance. It was Kwankwaso who, against all odds, painstakingly nurtured Abba’s political career—guiding him from Personal Assistant to Principal Private Secretary, to Commissioner, and eventually anointing him as the gubernatorial candidate under the PDP in 2019 and the NNPP in 2023.
In his first attempt, victory was denied through a controversial “inconclusive” process. In the second, the mandate had to be fought for and ultimately affirmed by the Supreme Court. Abba Yusuf’s rise, therefore, was neither accidental nor spontaneous; it was the product of years of political grooming under his mentor and godfather. Yet, history teaches us that political mentorships in Nigeria are rarely permanent.
For serious students of Nigerian political evolution, such developments are part of a long-standing pattern. In 1951, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe’s National Council of Nigerians and Cameroons (NCNC) won a majority in the Western Region. As Azikiwe prepared to assume the premiership, Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) successfully lobbied several Yoruba legislators to cross-carpet. This forced Azikiwe back to the East, where he displaced Chief Eyo Ita to become Premier—an episode widely regarded as the birth of ethnicised politics in Nigeria.
READ ALSO: When power tests Kano’s conscience, by Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE
The 1962 Akintola–Awolowo crisis followed, when Chief S. L. Akintola defected from the AG to the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) after falling out with Awolowo, triggering the infamous “Wild Wild West” violence. Similarly, during the Second Republic, Chief Akin Omoboriowo, Deputy Governor of Ondo State, defected from the UPN to the NPN to contest the governorship, sparking massive unrest.
Placed against this historical backdrop, the recent defections by PDP and NNPP governors should not shock anyone. Party switching is deeply embedded in Nigeria’s political culture; alliances form, dissolve, and realign as power dynamics evolve.
What truly matters now is not lamentation, but organisation. Historical experience suggests that Kano’s ideological voters are notoriously stubborn. Their loyalty is not easily transferred. Whether Governor Abba Yusuf can convert the advantages of incumbency into a fresh grassroots base independent of his former mentor remains the ultimate test of his political maturity and strategic depth. Currently, this appears to be a monumental task, especially given the perceived performance of the ruling party.
From the opposition standpoint, much can still be achieved. While some see the defection as a “gift to the APC” or a “betrayal of the 2023 mandate,” others interpret it as a necessary wake-up call. This moment demands unity: opposition forces must close ranks, harmonise their structures, and be brutally practical about the mechanics of defeating the incumbent power.
Many speculative scenarios are currently circulating regarding the “optimal combinations” needed to unseat the ruling party. Much of this noise originates from within the establishment itself, designed to sow confusion. However, serious political actors know what will work and what will not sell. Caution, discipline, and strategic clarity are now imperative.
Ultimately, Nigeria’s democracy thrives not on personalities alone, but on institutions, organisation, and citizen engagement. Opposition parties must build durable structures and mobilise the electorate decisively. That is the only sustainable path forward.
By Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE.
Email: bgabdullahi@gmail.com
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