The Alausa Takeover: Examining Tinubu’s politics of exclusion, by Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE

Professor Farooq Kperogi’s recent commentary, “Tinubu’s Baffling Northern Exclusion Strategy,” touches a sensitive national nerve that goes far beyond the North. What initially appeared to be isolated regional complaints is gradually turning into a wider national conversation about exclusion, concentration of power, and the weakening of the federal balance that holds Nigeria together.

Across the South-East, the South-South, and even among many politically neutral Nigerians, a quiet concern is growing that political and economic power is becoming increasingly concentrated within a narrow South-West political circle closely tied to Lagos.

This perception is most noticeable in the management of the nation’s economic institutions. Key agencies shaping Nigeria’s fiscal and monetary direction — including the Central Bank, the Ministry of Finance, FIRS, and several strategic regulatory bodies — are now largely headed by individuals linked to the President’s long-standing political network. While every leader naturally works with trusted allies, many Nigerians believe the current level of concentration is beginning to erode the spirit of inclusiveness that previous administrations, despite their imperfections, tried to maintain.

At the same time, ordinary Nigerians battling inflation, rising food prices, naira instability, unemployment, and worsening insecurity see little value in political chess games, elite defections, and early 2027 calculations. For many struggling families, these power moves feel disconnected from the realities of everyday survival. As hardship deepens, public confidence in government continues to weaken.

In the North, the disappointment is particularly strong because the region played a major role in bringing the current administration to power. Many Northerners now feel their political support has not translated into meaningful participation in governance. Despite official appearances, there is a widespread perception that Vice President Kashim Shettima has been reduced to a symbolic figure with limited influence over major economic and strategic decisions.

The relocation of key departments of the Central Bank and the headquarters of the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) from Abuja to Lagos further reinforced this feeling. To many Nigerians, the move was seen not as ordinary administrative restructuring, but as part of a broader shift aimed at pulling the country’s economic center of gravity away from Abuja — a city intentionally created to symbolize national unity and neutrality.

The sense of exclusion also extends to security management. Communities across the North-West and North-East continue to face relentless banditry, terrorism, and kidnapping. Yet many believe the peculiar realities of insecurity in the region are not receiving the urgency, understanding, and strategic attention they deserve from a leadership structure perceived to be distant from the daily pain of affected communities.

Economic hardship has only intensified these frustrations. The floating of the naira, rising electricity tariffs, and the broader cost-of-living crisis have crippled traders, small businesses, and struggling households nationwide. In the North especially, many compare the slow progress on projects like the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) pipeline, the Baro Port, and the Mambilla Hydropower Project with the strong political backing and funding directed toward projects such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway. Fairly or unfairly, this contrast has strengthened the belief that some regions are receiving greater priority than others.

The South-South has its own long-standing grievances. Despite sustaining the Nigerian economy for decades through oil revenues, many people in the region feel excluded from the country’s major economic and policy decisions. Beyond the prominent role of Nyesom Wike in the FCT administration, many citizens of the Niger Delta believe their region is still treated mainly as a resource base while environmental degradation and critical infrastructure deficits remain unresolved.

In the South-East, the feeling of exclusion appears even deeper and more entrenched. The region continues to complain about underrepresentation in key appointments across the security, finance, and regulatory sectors. For a people known for enterprise, resilience, and industrial drive, this persistent marginalization not only hurts regional pride but also deepens historical mistrust and weakens faith in national unity.

What makes these concerns more powerful is the comparison with previous administrations. Presidents Obasanjo, Jonathan, and Buhari all faced criticism over allegations of favoritism and imbalance. However, each administration still appeared mindful of maintaining at least a visible measure of regional inclusion within the highest levels of government. The current administration is increasingly perceived as moving away from that tradition by concentrating influence within a much narrower regional and political circle.

No serious observer denies that difficult reforms such as fuel subsidy removal and exchange rate liberalization would come with painful consequences. But in a country as delicate and diverse as Nigeria, economic hardship quickly takes on political and ethnic interpretations when those designing the policies, controlling the institutions, and managing the outcomes are largely perceived to come from one section of the country.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s stability rests on inclusion, fairness, balance, and the shared belief that every region has an equal stake in the federation. A style of governance that leaves the North feeling alienated, the South-East marginalised, and the South-South neglected risks deepening divisions at a time when the country urgently needs unity.

Nigeria is simply too diverse, too complex, and too fragile to be governed through the lens of any single regional bloc.

Written by Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE.
Email: bgabdullahi@gmail.com

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